On Dec. 16, 2024, the U.S. Treasury Department celebrated the seventh meeting of a joint economic working group with . According to Treasury鈥檚 , both sides 鈥渟hared views on areas of cooperation,鈥� while the U.S. side 鈥渆xpressed its continued concern鈥� about Beijing鈥檚 nonmarket policies and 鈥渢he support of some Chinese firms鈥� for war in Ukraine.
Only in Washington could such drivel be mistaken for success.
The United States has complained about Beijing鈥檚 nonmarket practices for decades. Bilateral dialogues to fix the issue have been worse than useless 鈥� they have allowed the Chinese time to delay Washington while it has grown wealthier and stronger. Equally misguided is President Joe Biden鈥檚 undue deference to Chinese President Xi Jinping on his strategic assistance of Russian President Vladimir Putin. This is not a matter of 鈥渟ome Chinese firms鈥� helping Russia destroy Ukraine. It is a systems-level face-off. Xi has to Putin.
Why splice a press release from an outgoing administration in its final days? Because eight days before publishing those words, the Treasury Department was by Chinese state-backed actors. Apparently working groups and 鈥渕echanisms for communication鈥� aren鈥檛 catechizing the CCP into a responsible stakeholder.
The Biden administration, however, has been blind to this reality.
鈥溾€� has been Biden鈥檚 watchword with the CCP. Consider Treasury鈥檚 of its working group with Beijing: it 鈥減rovides a mechanism for communication 鈥� and has served to stabilize the relationship by mitigating the risk of miscommunication or unintended escalation.鈥� If only that were true. Biden has spoken repeatedly about , but he has never said a word about winning America鈥檚 new Cold War with the CCP. He has it even exists. Ironically, that lack of clarity is crippling America鈥檚 ability to lead in this new century.
Of course, Biden鈥檚 remaining time in office is short. When President-elect Donald Trump returns to the White House on Jan. 20, he will face one of the most important choices of his presidency: Will he continue the failed approach of engaging the CCP to change it, or will he adopt a new approach to America鈥檚 adversaries founded on strength and predicated on victory?
Trump鈥檚 approach to the CCP in his first term was decidedly closer to the latter than the former. He hit Beijing with , China for its crackdown in Hong Kong, Xi with war if he attacked Taiwan, and the party鈥檚 genocide of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.
Notably, Trump also during his first term 鈥� an eminently justifiable step, given the threat Beijing鈥檚 control of the app poses to America鈥檚 democracy. Today, however, the president-elect is from a looming ban. How this issue plays out will be an early indicator of which path Trump takes. In his filed amicus brief with the Supreme Court, Trump that 鈥渢he national security concerns presented by ByteDance and TikTok appear to be significant and pressing.鈥� He also, however, for negotiating a political agreement that allows TikTok to operate in America.
Thankfully, the TikTok law provides the incoming administration a path to safely save TikTok. If Trump successfully finds a qualified buyer for the app, he will be remembered as the president who made social media safe for Americans.
Doing so, however, will require Xi鈥檚 cooperation, as Beijing has slapped an export control on TikTok鈥檚 algorithm. Here, Trump would do well to avoid Biden鈥檚 error. Playing nice with America鈥檚 adversaries telegraphs weakness. Projecting strength and signaling resolve to Xi in ways that feel uncomfortable may be necessary, if Trump is to save TikTok from extinction in America and, more importantly, win Washington鈥檚 new Cold War with Beijing.
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