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Commentary
National Review

Joe Biden, Union Buster

mike_watson
mike_watson
Associate Director, Center for the Future of Liberal Society
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden meets workers as he tours the Fiat Chrysler plant in Detroit, Michigan on March 10, 2020.
Caption
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden meets workers as he tours the Fiat Chrysler plant in Detroit, Michigan on March 10, 2020.

Amid all the confusion caused by the coronavirus and the usual noise of the campaign season, Joe Biden wants to make one thing clear: He is focused on helping the middle class, particularly union workers. 鈥� 鈥� wants to 鈥渂uild back better鈥� from the pandemic by 鈥渢he future is made in America,鈥� particularly by 鈥渘ewly empowered labor unions.鈥� His desire to support unions is so transparently sincere that it is curious he has chosen to run on policies that may well bring disaster to them 鈥� at least in the private sector.

To be sure, some of Biden鈥檚 plans should bring more workers into unions 鈥� for a time. He to stuff his economic-recovery legislation with rules that will reclassify gig workers as employees, effectively end secret ballots for votes on unionizing job sites, raise minimum wages to make union laborers cost-competitive, and neuter state and local 鈥渞ight to work鈥� laws. These have been high on many union organizers鈥� wish lists for years and would make a Biden administration much more union-friendly than was Obama鈥檚. Most or all of these union gains, however, are likely to be effectively canceled out by the effect of other policies on his agenda that would destroy the very jobs he will have spent so much taxpayer money to create.

The Trump administration鈥檚 focus on trade has drawn the nation鈥檚 attention away from a major contributor to the decline of blue-collar manufacturing work in the United States: technological change. Manufacturing鈥檚 share of the total U.S. economy has since the end of World War II, but manufacturing employment plummeted from one-third of the workforce to less than one-tenth. Unlike in the long era after the industrial revolution took off 鈥� a period in which economies transitioned from making simpler goods such as textiles to complex machines such as automobiles that required substantial manpower to assemble 鈥� automation is not generating new industrial jobs to replace the ones it destroys. The trend now is increasingly for workers to oversee and repair the machines that produce the actual products. For the reasons I discuss below, Biden鈥檚 policies will accelerate this change, and many union workers are likely to be left behind.

One of his is to make the United States 鈥渓ead the world in manufacturing electric vehicles.鈥� By issuing rebates to trade in old gas-powered cars for new ones, building hundreds of thousands of electric charging stations across the country, and converting the federal government鈥檚 fleet to electric vehicles, Biden expects to create 1 million jobs. He will be disappointed.

Last fall, the United Auto Workers 鈥� which has endorsed Biden 鈥� in part because of the by the electric vehicles Biden is now promoting. Tens of thousands of autoworkers around the world lost their jobs as their companies retooled for building electric cars. Biden鈥檚 spending plans could help offset those costs, but not the far greater danger that workers will face once the new production lines are operating.

Electric vehicles will gut autoworkers鈥� and mechanics鈥� unions by driving their members out of work. Electric drive trains consist of a mere of the parts of their gas-powered equivalents, and the vehicles are much easier to assemble. Ford that electric cars will require 30 percent less labor in their auto plants, and other industry are even more drastic. Fewer moving parts mean fewer repairs too, threatening mechanics鈥� livelihoods, and charging cars at home will drive gas stations out of business. By putting the government鈥檚 weight behind electric vehicles, Biden will make those jobs disappear even faster.

He also to turn the U.S. into a green-energy leader by building more wind turbines and solar panels domestically and making the power grid carbon-free by 2035. These changes will further erode manufacturing. Although some renewables can produce energy as inexpensively as natural gas or other low-cost competitors, they do not provide the predictable and reliable energy supply needed in a modern society. Solar and wind require either a reliable fossil-fuel backup or a way to store energy for use on cloudy or wind-free days. The amount of backup capacity needed boggles the mind: Stanford professor Mark Jacobson鈥檚 influential renewable-energy plan on the United States building more reserve power capacity than the entire existing grid. Energy return on investment how much more energy a power source generates than is required to build and operate it, and the science is settled: Returns from renewables are (for now) abysmal.

After accounting for the facilities needed to store energy until it is used, most renewables cannot produce enough to become economically effective. Solar can do so in very specific circumstances, but by a margin slim enough that relying on it would be foolhardy. One team of scientists studying the matter discovered that converting an entire economy to renewables would the total energy return on investment by more than half, to levels that 鈥渁re well below the thresholds identified in the literature required to sustain industrial complex societies.鈥� As they noted, 鈥渢he results obtained put into question the consistence and viability of the Green Growth narrative.鈥� As American energy becomes scarcer and thus more expensive, power-hungry factories and steelworks will be the first on the chopping block, and their workforces with them.

New infrastructure spending and measures to make existing buildings more ecofriendly are not likely to help construction workers nearly as much as the Biden campaign supposes, either. President Obama made similar promises about the 鈥渟hovel-ready鈥� jobs in his stimulus bill, only to 鈥渢here鈥檚 no such thing as shovel-ready projects鈥� in the U.S. legal and regulatory environment. 鈥� should remember this, since he the bill鈥檚 implementation. Union workers do, though: Some in California against the Green New Deal, and the AFL-CIO has considerable skepticism. Although Biden鈥檚 platform is not nearly as draconian as that of his party鈥檚 radicals, he intends to lead U.S. manufacturing in the same direction.

Climate change is a difficult challenge and will only get harder to address as the increasing pace of automation penetrates and disrupts the U.S. economy. But however popular these green projects are with big-money donors and activists, they will hurt the people most that Biden is most passionate about helping.

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