As it unfurls, the saga of Mahmoud Khalil鈥攖he Columbia agitator picked up by immigration enforcement last week鈥攍ooks less like a complicated immigration-law dispute and more like something out of a John le Carr茅 novel.
But inspect the details, and Khalil鈥檚 case gives us a glimpse a well-established network linking American universities, international progressive NGOs, and government agencies. This network places ideologues like Khalil in positions of power and influence and promoting radical policies that challenge both the will of American voters and our national-security interests.
As always in such shady tales, the simplest questions are the hardest to answer. To start: Who, exactly, is Mahmoud Khalil? to the Guardian, he was born in Syria in 1995 to Palestinian refugees, then fled at 18 to settle in Lebanon. After his detention, however, the U.S. government that he was a citizen of Algeria. How did he end up there?
His professional history is equally convoluted. The Guardian claims he worked for various international NGOs, then landed a job with Britain鈥檚 Foreign Office, where he helped administer the prestigious Chevening Scholarship program. (The Telegraph, to make an intricate story even more complicated, that Khalil worked for the embassy, not the Foreign Office per se). Then it was on to the UN, where Khalil interned for UNRWA鈥攖he organization鈥檚 agency for Arab Palestinian refugees that, as a recent lawsuit , is a major source of staffing and funding for Hamas. How did a Syrian refugee end up in these positions?
Maybe the influencers who gave him these jobs are the same ones who leapt to his defense. Immediately after his arrest, Khalil鈥檚 case was taken on by no fewer than .
Heading Khalil鈥檚 legal defense team is Ramzi Kassem, professor of law at the City University of New York, with a panoply of connections. Himself a Syrian immigrant, Kassem is a of the Paul and Daisy Soros Fellowships for New Americans, which helped fund his legal education at Columbia University. At CUNY, Kassem founded Creating Law Enforcement Accountability and Responsibility (CLEAR), which, among other areas of interest, on challenging the Trump administration鈥檚 treatment of Muslims on the No Fly List. CLEAR has received major gifts from George Soros鈥檚 and Jeff Bezos鈥檚 former wife, .
Kassem鈥檚 previous clients a few members of al Qaida, including Ahmed al-Darbi, a terrorist convicted in 2017 for bombing a French oil tanker, as well as another close associate of Osama Bin Laden鈥檚. In 2022, the Biden administration nevertheless tapped Kassem to serve as a senior policy advisor.
How did Khalil鈥檚 predicament come to Kassem鈥檚 attention? It鈥檚 worth noting that while still a student at Columbia, Kassem was himself a of anti-Israeli agitation.
So was another of Khalil鈥檚 lawyers, CLEAR鈥檚 . In a recently surfaced of an online training of anti-Israel activists, Dallal acknowledges that statements in support of Hamas may implicate a non-citizen鈥檚 legal status鈥攖he very assertion that she and Khalil鈥檚 other lawyers are now denying鈥攁nd advises her charges to remain silent rather than frame themselves.
There鈥檚 nothing inherently nefarious about hardworking and talented people, immigrants or native-born, ending up in positions of power and influence. Nor is it novel for NGOs with deep pockets to promote their worldview and their people. But the Khalil case points at a concerted, long-term effort to capture American institutions, change them from within, and push policies and ideas that lie far outside the social consensus and, arguably, the boundaries permissible by law.
Ramzi Kassem is typical. He is committed to a long list of radical causes, from law enforcement to defending America鈥檚 sworn enemies. Nonetheless, he has enjoyed heavy support from progressive philanthropists, accreditation from America鈥檚 finest schools, and eventually made his way to Washington to help reshape policy.
Similarly, it is troubling that those who argue, against all available evidence, that Mahmoud Khalil is a martyr on the altar of free speech鈥攔ather than someone who violated the terms of his residency by advocating for a terror group鈥攅njoy near-universal access to and support from our finest academic institutions, our best-endowed philanthropies, and our best-placed legal or political elites. Telling foreign nationals to refrain from espousing support for a terror group to evade legal trouble exceeds the bounds of advocacy; it approximates aiding and abetting people in skirting our immigration laws.
If nothing else, the Khalil case demonstrates yet again that for America鈥檚 progressive elites, power, not principle, is the currency that counts, and that the system they鈥檝e designed ensures that their power is preserved in perpetuity, defending even those fellow travelers who work to undermine our national-security interests. The only way to regain control of the institutions that these hostile activists have commandeered is to know their playbook and use the law to curb their influence. Shadowy activists subverting the will of the American people and then seeking protection from a bubble of big-money NGOs and ideologically aligned government officials isn鈥檛 a safeguard protecting our democracy; it鈥檚 a clear and direct threat to our national security and interests.